History of the Northeast Comunas
The Northeast Comunas, specifically Comunas 1 and 2, were some of the most violent neighborhoods in Medellín, and were characterized by informal squatter settlements, high unemployment rates, and conflict among the (now defunct) Medellín Cartel, paramilitary forces, and local militias. In the early 2000s, the two communities had the lowest Human Development Index rankings in the city (Blanco & Kobayashi 2009). The Northeast had over 400 dwellings per hectare, making it the most densely populated sector of Medellín (Davila & Brand 2011).
Rather than ignoring the problem or demolishing the troubled areas, the city government chose to actively focus on upgrading transportation and addressing the needs of the communities. Through a holistic process called Proyecto Urbano Integral (PUI) and the construction of a new aerial cable car system, the city engaged with the Northeast Comunas as they never had before.
Although impact assessments have not shown large differences in many quality of life indicators in the past 10 years, the PUI method sets an example for how city governments can integrate slums into the rest of the city.
Rather than ignoring the problem or demolishing the troubled areas, the city government chose to actively focus on upgrading transportation and addressing the needs of the communities. Through a holistic process called Proyecto Urbano Integral (PUI) and the construction of a new aerial cable car system, the city engaged with the Northeast Comunas as they never had before.
Although impact assessments have not shown large differences in many quality of life indicators in the past 10 years, the PUI method sets an example for how city governments can integrate slums into the rest of the city.
Proyecto Urbano Integral
The Proyecto Urbano Integral, or Integral Urban Project, was instituted in 2004 to complement Metrocable and address the Northeast Comunas with a more holistic approach. The PUI, which was piloted in the Northeast and is now expanded to four other areas of the city, is based on three major components (Blanco & Kobayashi 2009):
The Medellín government charged the Enterprise of Urban Development (EDU) with executing the reforms. The EDU, which the city had created in 2002, is an administratively and financially independent enterprise, and was made responsible for planning and carrying out the PUIs and coordinating the various institutions. According to their web site, the EDU has overseen the production of four pedestrian bridges, eight grade crossings, four urban promenades, the Cedezo Center of Zone Development, a housing project, and 18 public squares. A new school and library are also being built and 14 educational institutions are being remodeled.
The Northeastern PUI was successful for several reasons, as described by Blanco & Kobayashi: First, it created a close relationship between the local government and the community, whereas before the interactions had been mostly of a military nature. Second, the government made it clear that they would be present as a long-term stakeholder, rather than the provider of short-term solutions. Third, a sizable financial commitment from the city was important, particularly as a way to build trust with the community. In short, listening to the community and being committed both with time and money were the primary causes for the PUI's success.
While the PUIs and the government's efforts seem to have made residents of the Northeast Comunas feel included and more integrated into the city, it is hard to quantify a positive effect on economic stimulus or quality of life (Davila & Brand 2011). It is also a concern that newer PUIs are losing some of their participatory nature (Ibid). In any case, the city of Medellín has set a positive example for engaging a community after decades of neglect.
- Institutional Coordination. The city government gradually involved the private sector, NGOs, and universities. They also organized multidisciplinary groups and discussion tables in order to coordinate and avoid redundancy.
- Social Component. The community was involved in identifying key areas for improvement, and then in implementing the changes through community workshops and hiring local labor.
- Physical Component. In addition to Metrocable, the government implemented massive upgrades to housing, public facilities, environmental recovery, and public space and mobility.
The Medellín government charged the Enterprise of Urban Development (EDU) with executing the reforms. The EDU, which the city had created in 2002, is an administratively and financially independent enterprise, and was made responsible for planning and carrying out the PUIs and coordinating the various institutions. According to their web site, the EDU has overseen the production of four pedestrian bridges, eight grade crossings, four urban promenades, the Cedezo Center of Zone Development, a housing project, and 18 public squares. A new school and library are also being built and 14 educational institutions are being remodeled.
The Northeastern PUI was successful for several reasons, as described by Blanco & Kobayashi: First, it created a close relationship between the local government and the community, whereas before the interactions had been mostly of a military nature. Second, the government made it clear that they would be present as a long-term stakeholder, rather than the provider of short-term solutions. Third, a sizable financial commitment from the city was important, particularly as a way to build trust with the community. In short, listening to the community and being committed both with time and money were the primary causes for the PUI's success.
While the PUIs and the government's efforts seem to have made residents of the Northeast Comunas feel included and more integrated into the city, it is hard to quantify a positive effect on economic stimulus or quality of life (Davila & Brand 2011). It is also a concern that newer PUIs are losing some of their participatory nature (Ibid). In any case, the city of Medellín has set a positive example for engaging a community after decades of neglect.
Metrocable and Transportation Upgrades
Much of the Northeast Comunas are at high elevation on steep hills. This has made transportation difficult, increasing a sense of isolationism in the comunas and cutting residents off from job opportunities in the rest of the city. When Medellín's main Metro line debuted in 1995, it served only the communities in the low-lying areas near the city's river (Davila & Brand 2011). In 2001, the idea of cable cars connecting the hillsides found a political champion in Mayor Luis Pérez, who committed the city to providing 55 percent of the first line's funding cost (Davila & Brand 2011).
The city's first answer for the comunas was the Metrocable system, inaugurated in 2004, providing public transportation connecting the elevated communities with the rest of the city. Metrocable's Linea K, which is used by about 67,000 people a day in the Northeast Comunas, consists of gondolas capable of moving 3,000 residents up and down the hills per hour. The system has drastically reduced transit times, especially coming home uphill.
The Santo Domingo cable cost only $24 million dollars to construct, and individual trips are fairly inexpensive, costing only slightly more than a bus ride (and much less than a bus ride that includes a transfer) (Davila & Brand 2011). Trips that used to take two hours now take 40 minutes.
The city's first answer for the comunas was the Metrocable system, inaugurated in 2004, providing public transportation connecting the elevated communities with the rest of the city. Metrocable's Linea K, which is used by about 67,000 people a day in the Northeast Comunas, consists of gondolas capable of moving 3,000 residents up and down the hills per hour. The system has drastically reduced transit times, especially coming home uphill.
The Santo Domingo cable cost only $24 million dollars to construct, and individual trips are fairly inexpensive, costing only slightly more than a bus ride (and much less than a bus ride that includes a transfer) (Davila & Brand 2011). Trips that used to take two hours now take 40 minutes.
The Juan Bobo Stream
The neighborhoods that line the lower part of the Juan Bobo Stream are an example of how PUIs have brought a positive environmental impact to the area. In 2004, the area was an informal settlement with 1,260 residents, and lacked organization, leadership, family links, community standards, safety, hygiene, and economic development channels (UN Habitat 2008). One-third of the houses were located in riverbed restricted areas or other zones that were unsafe, and 80 percent of the houses had structural or functional shortages. Half of the water supply and 35 percent of the power supply was illegal, and 100 percent of the sewage system was informal, leading to 90 percent of the Juan Bobo stream containing waste water. It was also physically difficult to navigate the space.
The government wanted to restructure the space and provide better housing, but did not want to use evictions as a tool. After many consultations with and the participation of the 300 families who would be affected, the city purchased houses that were in unsafe areas, and provided elevated housing for 105 families. The program also legalized home ownership for 116 families. The community now has water supply service, sewage and garbage collection, and parks, squares, pathways, steps, vantage points and pedestrian bridges, which has led to more than six times as much space per resident in the neighborhood (UN Habitat 2008).
The first Juan Bobo project was such a success that the process was repeated upstream for the Juan Bobo II and La Herrera projects. The video below from EDU Medellín (in Spanish) shows the neighborhoods before and after intervention.
The government wanted to restructure the space and provide better housing, but did not want to use evictions as a tool. After many consultations with and the participation of the 300 families who would be affected, the city purchased houses that were in unsafe areas, and provided elevated housing for 105 families. The program also legalized home ownership for 116 families. The community now has water supply service, sewage and garbage collection, and parks, squares, pathways, steps, vantage points and pedestrian bridges, which has led to more than six times as much space per resident in the neighborhood (UN Habitat 2008).
The first Juan Bobo project was such a success that the process was repeated upstream for the Juan Bobo II and La Herrera projects. The video below from EDU Medellín (in Spanish) shows the neighborhoods before and after intervention.